Thursday, November 26, 2009

09-11-26 Corruption of the justice system in Los Angeles has deep roots - in Iran -Contra

America's 'crack' plague
has roots in Nicaragua war

Colombia-San Francisco Bay Area drug pipeline
helped finance CIA-backed Contras
Published: Aug. 18, 1996

Mercury News Staff Writer

FOR THE BETTER PART of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, a Mercury News investigation has found.

This drug network opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles, a city now known as the "crack'' capital of the world. The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America � and provided the cash and connections needed for L.A.'s gangs to buy automatic weapons.

It is one of the most bizarre alliances in modern history: the union of a U.S.-backed army attempting to overthrow a revolutionary socialist government and the Uzi-toting "gangstas'' of Compton and South-Central Los Angeles.

Other stories

Testimony links U.S. to drugs-guns trade
Dealers got their 'own little arsenal'

The army's financiers -- who met with CIA agents both before and during the time they were selling the drugs in L.A. -- delivered cut-rate cocaine to the gangs through a young South-Central crack dealer named Ricky Donnell Ross.

Unaware of his suppliers' military and political connections, "Freeway Rick" -- a dope dealer of mythic proportions in the L.A. drug world -- turned the cocaine powder into crack and wholesaled it to gangs across the country.

The cash Ross paid for the cocaine, court records show, was then used to buy weapons and equipment for a guerrilla army named the Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Democratic Force) or FDN, the largest of several anti-communist commonly called the Contras.

document link
Biographical information on Rick Ross

Photo link
More photos of Rick Ross

While the FDN's war is barely a memory today, black America is still dealing with its poisonous side effects. Urban neighborhoods are grappling with legions of homeless crack addicts. Thousands of young black men are serving long prison sentences for selling cocaine -- a drug that was virtually unobtainable in black neighborhoods before members of the CIA's army started bringing it into South-Central in the 1980s at bargain-basement prices.

And the L.A. gangs, which used their enormous cocaine profits to arm themselves and spread crack across the country, are still thriving, turning entire blocks of major cities into occasional war zones.

"There is a saying that the ends justify the means,'' former FDN leader and drug dealer Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyestestified during a recent cocaine trafficking trial in San Diego. "And that's what Mr. Bermudez (the CIA agent who commanded the FDN) told us in Honduras, OK? So we started raising money for the Contra revolution.''

Recently declassified reports, federal court testimony, undercover tapes, court records here and abroad and hundreds of hours of interviews over the past 12 months leave no doubt that Blandon was no ordinary drug dealer.

document link
Biographical information on Danilo Blandon

audio link
Blandon's testimony
301K WAV

Shortly before Blandon -- who had been the drug ring's Southern California distributor -- took the stand in San Diego as a witness for the U.S. Department of Justice, federal prosecutors obtained a court order preventing defense lawyers from delving into his ties to the CIA.

Blandon, one of the FDN's founders in California, "will admit that he was a large-scale dealer in cocaine, and there is no additional benefit to any defendant to inquire as to the Central Intelligence Agency,'' Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale argued in his motion shortly before Ross' trial on cocaine trafficking charges in March.

document link
Motion to preclude reference to CIA involvement
The most Blandon would say in court about who called the shots when he sold cocaine for the FDN was that "we received orders from the -- from other people.''

The 5,000-man FDN, records show, was created in mid-1981 when the CIA combined several existing groups of anti-communist exiles into a unified force it hoped would topple the new socialist government of Nicaragua.

From 1982 to 1988, the FDN -- run by both American and Nicaraguan CIA agents -- waged a losing war against Nicaragua's Sandinista government, the Cuban-supported socialists who'd overthrown U.S.-backed dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979.

Blandon, who began working for the FDN's drug operation in late 1981, testified that the drug ring sold almost a ton of cocaine in the United States that year -- $54 million worth at prevailing wholesale prices. It was not clear how much of the money found its way back to the CIA's army, but Blandon testified that "whatever we were running in L.A., the profit was going to the Contra revolution.''
audio link
Blandon's testimony
412K WAV
At the time of that testimony, Blandon was a full-time informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration, a job the U.S. Department of Justice got him after releasing him from prison in 1994.

Though Blandon admitted to crimes that have sent others away for life, the Justice Department turned him loose on unsupervised probation after only 28 months behind bars and has paid him more than $166,000 since, court records show.

document link
Motion for reduction of Oscar Danilo Blandon's sentence
"He has been extraordinarily helpful,'' federal prosecutor O'Neale told Blandon's judge in a plea for the trafficker's release in 1994. Though O'Neale once described Blandon to a grand jury as "the biggest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States,'' the prosecutor would not discuss him with the Mercury News.

A known dealer since '74 has stayed out of U.S. jails

Blandon's boss in the FDN's cocaine operation, Juan Norwin Meneses Cantarero, has never spent a day in a U.S. prison, even though the federal government has been aware of his cocaine dealings since at least 1974, records show.

Meneses -- who ran the drug ring from his homes in the San Francisco Bay Area -- is listed in the DEA's computers as a major international drug smuggler and was implicated in 45 separate federal investigations. Yet he and his cocaine-dealing relatives lived quite openly in the Bay Area for years, buying homes in Pacifica and Burlingame, along with bars, restaurants, car lots and factories in San Francisco, Hayward and Oakland.

document link
Biographical information on Norwin Meneses

Photo link
More photos of Norwin Meneses

"I even drove my own cars, registered in my name,'' Meneses said during a recent interview in Nicaragua.

Meneses' organization was "the target of unsuccessful investigative attempts for many years,'' prosecutor O'Neale acknowledged in a 1994 affidavit. But records and interviews revealed that a number of those probes were stymied not by the elusive Meneses but by agencies of the U.S. government.

Agents from four organizations -- the DEA, U.S. Customs, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department and the California Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement -- have complained that investigations were hampered by the CIA or unnamed "national security'' interests.

1988 investigation hit a wall of secrecy

One 1988 investigation by a U.S. Senate subcommittee ran into a wall of official secrecy at the Justice Department.

In that case, congressional records show, Senate investigators were trying to determine why the U.S. attorney in San Francisco, Joseph Russoniello, had given $36,000 back to a Nicaraguan cocaine dealer arrested by the FBI.

The money was returned, court records show, after two Contra leaders sent letters to the court swearing that the drug dealer had been given the cash to buy weapons for guerrillas. Russoniello said it was cheaper to give the money back than to disprove that claim.

"The Justice Department flipped out to prevent us from getting access to people, records -- finding anything out about it,'' recalled Jack Blum, former chief counsel to the Senate subcommittee that investigated allegations of Contra cocaine trafficking. "It was one of the most frustrating exercises that I can ever recall.''

It wasn't until 1989, a few months after the Contra-Sandinista war ended and five years after Meneses moved from the Peninsula to a ranch in Costa Rica, that the U.S. government took action against him -- sort of.

Federal prosecutors in San Francisco charged Meneses with conspiracy to distribute one kilo of cocaine in 1984, a year in which he was working publicly with the FDN.

In San Francisco photo, Meneses seen with CIA operative

Meneses' work was so public, in fact, that he posed for a picture in June 1984 in a kitchen of a San Francisco home with the FDN's political boss, Adolfo Calero, a longtime CIA operative who became the public face of the Contras in the United States.

According to the indictment, Meneses was in the midst of his alleged cocaine conspiracy at the time the picture was taken.

But the indictment was quickly locked away in the vaults of the San Francisco federal courthouse, where it remains today � inexplicably secret for more than seven years. Meneses was never arrested.

Photo link
1984 meeting of anti-communist group in San Francisco

document link
Biographical information on Adolfo Calero

Reporters found a copy of the secret indictment in Nicaragua, along with a federal arrest warrant issued Feb. 8, 1989. Records show the no-bail warrant was never entered into the national law enforcement database called NCIC, which police use to track down fugitives. The former federal prosecutor who indicted him, Eric Swenson, declined to be interviewed.

After Nicaraguan police arrested Meneses on cocaine charges in Managua in 1991, his judge expressed astonishment that the infamous smuggler went unmolested by American drug agents during his years in the United States.

document link
Indictment of Norwin Meneses

Photo link
Photo of the arrest warrant (58K)

"How do you explain the fact that Norwin Meneses, implicated since 1974 in the trafficking of drugs ... has not been detained in the United States, a country in which he has lived, entered and departed many times since 1974?'' Judge Martha Quezada asked during a pretrial hearing.

"Well, that question needs to be asked to the authorities of the United States,'' replied Roger Mayorga, then chief of Nicaragua's anti-drug agency.

U.S. officials amazed Meneses remained free

His seeming invulnerability amazed American authorities as well.

A Customs agent who investigated Meneses in 1980 before transferring elsewhere said he was reassigned to San Francisco seven years later "and I was sitting in some meetings and here's Meneses' name again. And I can remember thinking, "Holy cow, is this guy still around?'.''

Blandon led an equally charmed life. For at least five years he brokered massive amounts of cocaine to the black gangs of Los Angeles without being arrested. But his luck changed overnight.

On Oct. 27, 1986, agents from the FBI, the IRS, local police and the Los Angeles County sheriff fanned out across Southern California and raided more than a dozen locations connected to Blandon's cocaine operation. Blandon and his wife, along with numerous Nicaraguan associates, were arrested on drug and weapons charges.

The search warrant affidavit reveals that local drug agents knew plenty about Blandon's involvement with cocaine and the CIA's army nearly 10 years ago.

"Danilo Blandon is in charge of a sophisticated cocaine smuggling and distribution organization operating in Southern California,'' L.A. County sheriff's Sgt. Tom Gordon said in the 1986 affidavit. "The monies gained from the sales of cocaine are transported to Florida and laundered through Orlando Murillo, who is a high-ranking officer of a chain of banks in Florida named Government Securities Corporation. From this bank the monies are filtered to the Contra rebels to buy arms in the war in Nicaragua.''

Corporate records show that Murillo -- a Nicaraguan banker and relative of Blandon's wife -- was a vice-president of Government Securities Corporation in Coral Gables, a large brokerage firm that collapsed in 1987 amid allegations of fraud. Murillo did not respond to an interview request.

Despite their intimate knowledge of Blandon's operations, the police raids were a spectacular failure. Every location had been cleaned of anything remotely incriminating. No one was ever prosecuted.

Ron Spear, a spokesman for Los Angeles County Sheriff Sherman Block, said Blandon somehow knew that he was under police surveillance. Others thought so, too.

"The cops always believed that investigation had been compromised by the CIA,'' Los Angeles federal public defender Barbara O'Connor said in a recent interview. O'Connor knew of the raids because she later defended the raids' leader, Sgt. Gordon, against federal charges of police corruption. Gordon, convicted of tax evasion, declined to be interviewed.

Lawyer suggests aid was at root of problem

FBI records show that soon after the raids, Blandon's defense attorney, Bradley Brunon, called the sheriff's department to suggest that his client's troubles stemmed from a most unlikely source: a recent congressional vote authorizing $100 million in military aid to the CIA's Contra army.
According to a December 1986 FBI Teletype, Brunon told the officers that the "CIA winked at this sort of thing. ... (Brunon) indicated that now that U.S. Congress had voted funds for the Nicaraguan Contra movement, U.S. government now appears to be turning against organizations like this.''

That FBI report, part of the files of former Iran-Contra Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh, was made public only last year, when it was released by the National Archives at the Mercury News' request.

document link
FBI Teletype regarding conversation with attorney Bradley Brunon
Blandon has also implied that his cocaine sales were, for a time, CIA-approved. He told a San Francisco federal grand jury in 1994 that once the FDN began receiving American taxpayer dollars, the CIA no longer needed his kind of help.

"When Mr. Reagan get in the power, we start receiving a lot of money,'' Blandon testified. "And the people that was in charge, it was the CIA, so they didn't want to raise any (drug) money because they have, they had the money that they wanted.''

"From the government?" asked Assistant U.S. Attorney David Hall.

"Yes," for the Contra revolution," Blandon said. "So we started -- you know, the ambitious person -- we started doing business by ourselves."

Asked about that, prosecutor Hall said, "I don't know what to tell you. The CIA won't tell me anything."

None of the government agencies known to have been involved with Meneses and Blandon over the years would provide the Mercury News with any information about them.

A Freedom of Information Act request filed with the CIA was denied on national security grounds. FOIA requests filed with the DEA were denied on privacy grounds. Requests filed months ago with the FBI, the State Department and the Immigration and Naturalization Service have produced nothing so far.

None of the DEA officials known to have worked with the two men would talk to a reporter. Questions submitted to the DEA's public affairs office in Washington were never answered, despite repeated requests.

Blandon's lawyer, Brunon, said in an interview that his client never told him directly that he was selling cocaine for the CIA, but the prominent Los Angeles defense attorney drew his own conclusions from the "atmosphere of CIA and clandestine activities'' that surrounded Blandon and his Nicaraguan friends.

"Was he involved with the CIA? Probably. Was he involved with drugs? Most definitely,'' Brunon said. "Were those two things involved with each other? They've never said that, obviously. They've never admitted that. But I don't know where these guys get these big aircraft ...''

That very topic arose during the sensational 1992 cocaine trafficking trial of Meneses after Meneses was arrested in Nicaragua in connection with a staggering 750-kilo shipment of cocaine. His chief accuser was his friend Enrique Miranda, a relative and former Nicaraguan military intelligence officer who had been Meneses' emissary to the cocaine cartel of Bogota, Colombia. Miranda pleaded guilty to drug charges and agreed to cooperate in exchange for a seven-year sentence.

In a long, handwritten statement he read to Meneses' jury, Miranda revealed the deepest secrets of the Meneses drug ring, earning his old boss a 30-year prison sentence in the process.

"He (Norwin) and his brother Luis Enrique had financed the Contra revolution with the benefits of the cocaine they sold,'' Miranda wrote. "This operation, as Norwin told me, was executed with the collaboration of high-ranking Salvadoran military personnel. They met with officials of the Salvadoran air force, who flew (planes) to Colombia and then left for the U.S., bound for an Air Force base in Texas, as he told me.''

Meneses -- who has close personal and business ties to a Salvadoran air force commander and former CIA agent named Marcos Aguado -- declined to discuss Miranda's statements during an interview at a prison outside Managua in January. He is scheduled to be paroled this summer, after nearly five years in custody.

U.S. General Accounting Office records confirm that El Salvador's air force was supplying the CIA's Nicaraguan guerrillas with aircraft and flight support services throughout the mid-1980s.

Miranda did not name the Air Force base in Texas where the FDN's cocaine was purportedly flown. The same day the Mercury News requested official permission to interview Miranda, he disappeared.

While out on a routine weekend furlough, Miranda failed to return to the Nicaraguan jail where he'd been living since 1992. Though his jailers, who described him as a model prisoner, claimed Miranda had escaped, they didn't call the police until a Mercury News correspondent showed up and discovered he was gone.

He has not been seen in nearly a year.

MONDAY: How the drug ring worked, and how crack was "born" in the San Francisco Bay Area. Plus, the story of how the U.S. government gave back $36,000 seized from a drug dealer after he claimed the money belonged to the Contras.

Additional reporting for this series in Nicaragua and Costa Rica was done by Managua journalist Georg Hodel. Research assistance at the Nicaraguan Supreme Court in Managua was done by journalist Leonore Delgado.

Go to: Home | Dark Alliance:




View the full 390 page official U.S. Dept of Justice Special Report (December 1997) on Iran-Contra's CIA drug trafficking. The report limited itself to the question of the significance of such operation in the crack epidemic of that decade. It entirely ignored the longer lasting problem. Camaraderie of federal and local law enforcement that goes back some 30 years now, and is based on partnership in crimes - profiteering on drug sales in LA. It is the true matter underlying the Rampart-scandal, and also the true reason that the Rampart scandal was covered up by both federal and local agencies.

Obviously - the involvement of judges such as Jacqueline Connor in the Rampart scandal raises the question whether she was and is in fact at the top of the feeding chain of the drug markets in LA.

"This case should demonstrate that the FBI will pursue all allegations of judicial corruption vigorously, as public corruption violations are among the most serious of all criminal conduct and can tear at the fabric of a democratic society," said John F. Pikus, special agent in charge of the Albany division, in a prepared statement.

2009-11-26 What is a Warrant and why there is none for Richard Fine

1) What is a Warrant?
A Warrant establishes the legal foundation for an Arrest. A Warrantless Arrest is deemed violation of the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and also represents Arbitrary Arrest in violation of Human Rights in ratified International Law.

An "Arrest Warrant" is usually issued by a criminal court judge. The judge determines that there is a probable cause that the subject of the warrant committed a crime. An "Arrest Warrant" is usually requested by a prosecutor, who filed a complaint against the subject, and who presents that judge with the probable cause.

2) What does it look like?
Some of these are a bit old -

Example #1
warrant page 1
warrant page 2

Example #2

Randy Quaid Wanted by Police for Defrauding an Innkeeper

September 24th, 2009
Allegedly Comedian Randy Quaid and his wife are wanted for Burglary and theft of a Bed and Breakfast Inn located in Santa Barbara, California estimated damage are near $20,000. More to come as news trickles in
Example #3

3) Why was there none for Richard Fine?

Because he was subjected to warrantless, arbitrary arrest. Because his arrest was in violation of the law.

4) Why wasn't it an issue in the Habeas Corpus petition or the Energency Peititon to the U.S. Court of Appeals, 9th Circuit?

Because these were not honest, valid, and effectual court actions, these were dishonest, invalid, and ineffectual court actions, in other words - sham court actions.

[]- -[]- -[]

5) Could you provide an example of an honest valid, effectual court action in re: Warrantless Arrest?


Example #1

Article: 9th Circuit: Warrantless arrest of felon is alright

Police with a warrant to search for a suspect have authority to arrest an armed felon unnamed in the warrant who resides at the same address, the 9th Circuit decided.
Bobby Der Enslin argued U.S. marshals had no constitutional right to arrest him on a gun possession charge when marshals had a warrant for another person
Example #2

9th Circuit rules warrantless arrest justified by standoff

By Anonymous
Publication: Lawyers USA
Date: Monday, March 16 2009

Police need not obtain an arrest warrant before taking a suspect into custody after a 12-hour armed standoff, even though exigent circumstances may have dissipated, the en banc 9th Circuit has ruled.
The defendant was in his home when he pointed a gun at a security guard investigating loud music
in another apartment. When police arrived, he was visibly drunk, belligerent and threatened to shoot police if he came on or near his property.
After a 12-hour standoff during which the defendant retreated into his apartment for several hours, the police arrested him.
He sued under [section]1983, claiming that the police should have obtained a warrant because the exigency had dissipated by the time they arrested him.
A U.S. District Court and the 9th Circuit agreed.
But the en banc panel reversed.
"This armed standoff was a single Fourth Amendment event. ... [The defendant] threatened the officers shortly after they arrived, and retained full control of his eighteen guns and ammunition until the end. The entire standoff was an uninterrupted, fluid engagement between [him] and the police. ... In sum, no event of Fourth Amendment significance occurred that would re-trigger the warrant requirement and compel the police to inquire as to whether exigent circumstances still existed. ...
"[S]uggesting that a magistrate should be telling police in the middle of the standoff that they must withdraw or what tactics are permissible does not strike us as a reasonable role for a judicial officer under the Fourth Amendment," the court said.
U.S. Court of Appeals, 9th Circuit. Fisher v. San Jose, No. 04-16095. March 11, 2009. Lawyers USA No. 993-554.
Credit: Lawyers USA Staff
"This case should demonstrate that the FBI will pursue all allegations of judicial corruption vigorously, as public corruption violations are among the most serious of all criminal conduct and can tear at the fabric of a democratic society," said John F. Pikus, special agent in charge of the Albany division, in a prepared statement.

09-11-26: A Thanksgiving manifest letter to US President Attorney General in re: LA-JR (Los Angeles Judiciary Racket)

- - - - - - -

Date: Thu, 26 Nov 2009 10:15:53 -0800
To: "President Barack Obama" , , , , <>
From: joseph zernik
Subject:09-11-26: A Thanksgiving Manifest Letter to the U.S. President and U.S. Attorney General

Dr Z
Joseph H Zernik, DMD, PhD
PO Box 526, La Verne, CA 91750; Fax: 801.998.0917; E-Mail:

09-11-26: A Thanksgiving Manifest Letter to the U.S. President and U.S. Attorney General

President Barack Obama
By email <>, <>
By Fax: <>
By Certified Mail:
U.S. President
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Attorney General Eric Holder
By email <>, <>
By Fax:
By Certified Mail:
U.S. Attorney General
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20530-0001

The favor of a response is requested within 10 days.

Dear President Obama and Attorney General Holder:

ON THIS THANKSGIVING DAY, I, JOSEPH ZERNIK, request your urgent actions in my case and the
conduct of the U.S. Department of Justice and FBI in my regard. I was forced to leave my residence,
my property, which was taken for private use in December 2007, with no compensation at all, in
conjunction with fraud by the Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles - under caption
Samaan v Zernik (SC087400). Such fraud by the court was opined by a highly decorated, veteran
FBI agent. [i],[ii] It also involved fraud in the court room, as opined by yet another fraud expert, by
Countrywide Financial Corporation,[iii] and in the past year and a half by Bank of America Corporation,
Such corporations have appeared for combined past 2.5 years as "Non Party" under this caption,
while the court itself, interchangeably designated them "Defendant", "Plaintiff", "Cross Defendant",
"Intervenor", "Real Party in Interest", and more - all with no legal foundation at all. To facilitate such
real estate fraud, the Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, issued on December 7,
2007 a false and deliberately misleading record titled Indemnity Agreement for Mara Escrow as
subsidiary of a major international financial institution Old Republic Title Holding Company [xx].
I was trapped in this fraud scheme since 2004. For the past three years, local FBI and USAO, have
denied my Human Rights for Equal Protection and to Own Property.[iv] Senior officers of FBI and US
Department of Justice provided false and deliberately misleading responses to U.S. Congress in my
case last year.[v]
Such conduct by Bank of America Corporation continued, while it received some $200 millions in
TARP funds, pursuant to the Economic Stimulus Act (2008), and Emergency Economic Stabilization
Act (2008), Such conduct reflected disregard of the Sarbanes Oxley Act (2002), SEC and FRB
Regulations, and the Fraud Enforcement and Recovery Act (2009), by both Financial Institutions and
Law Enforcement. I request immediate actions to return my property to my possession. My Human
Rights of Access the Courts to file petitions to address my grievances were denied, including, but not
limited to the right to file complaints pursuant to the False Claims Act. (31 USC 3729-3722), also
called the "Lincoln Law". My Human Rights for Equal Protection, and to Own Property were denied.

, a 70 yo, former U.S. Prosecutor, anti-judicial corruption activist, who
was and is held in solitary confinement in a jail hospital room in Los Angeles, California for over 7
months, with no warrant, with no sentencing/judgment, from litigation at the Superior Court of
California, County of Los Angeles - Marina v LA County (BS109420) - with no Register of Actions
(California docket). The pattern of false court records in all cases described here was similar, and was
considered the Fingerprints of the LA-JR (alleged LA-Judiciary Racket).
His attempts to file a Habeas Corpus petition to the U.S. District Court in Los Angeles, and an
Emergency Petition to the U.S. Court of Appeals, 9th District, to address his grievances were
undermined by the denial of access to pen and paper. In court actions at the U.S. District Court, Los
Angeles Fine v Sheriff (2:09-cv-01914), and also at the U.S. Court of Appeals, 9
th Circuit - Fine v
Sheriff (09-71692), originating from conduct of the Superior Court of California, County of Los
Angeles, in the case of RICHARD FINE, Esq, and also in my case Zernik v Connor et al (2:08-cv-
01550) and Zernik v U.S. District Court, Los Angeles (08-72714), respectively - false and deliberately
misleading court orders and judgments were issued with no attestations by clerks (NEFs Notices
of Electronic Filings).
Such Court Orders and Judgment were never deemed honest, valid, and effectual court Orders and
Judgments by the respective courts themselves. Instead, they were false and deliberately misleading
dishonest, invalid, and ineffectual court papers. Such conduct was common by the U.S. Courts today
across the U.S. In the case of RICHARD FINE, Esq, it culminated in the issuance of such unsigned,
lacking attestation, invalid, ineffectual, false and deliberately misleading paper bearing the name of
ALEX KOZINSKI, Chief Judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals, 9
th Circuit, on June 30, 2009 in false and
deliberately misleading caption of Fine v Sheriff (09-71692). Both the U.S. District Court, Los Angeles,
and the U.S. Court of Appeals, 9
th District, consequently denied the right for access to electronic court
records, which were the NEFs in the cases of RICHARD FINE, Esq, and also in my cases.
The Human Rights of RICHARD FINE, Esq, for Liberty was denied. His Human Rights for Access to
the Courts, and for Access to Court Records to inspect and to copy, and for Hearings by National
Tribunals to Protect Human Rights and Rights pursuant to the Constitution of this Country and its
Amendments were denied.[vi], [vii]

DISGRACE OF THE RAMPART-FIPs (Falsely Imprisoned Persons)
- over 10,000 of them, almost
exclusively Blacks and Latinos, who were still falsely imprisoned a decade after their innocence was
documented. They were falsely convicted and falsely sentenced by the Superior Court of California,
County of Los Angeles, as documented in investigation of the Rampart scandal (1998-2000). It was
the principle evidence for the conduct of the LA-JR already a decade ago.[viii], [ix], [x] It led a leading
constitutional scholar to write in 2000:
Any analysis of the Rampart scandal must begin with an appreciation of the heinous nature of
what the officers did. This is conduct associated with the most repressive dictators and police
states. and judges must share responsibility when innocent people are convicted
. [ix]
The Human Rights of the RAMPART-FIPs for Liberty, and for Fair and Impartial Hearings, were
denied. It was and is a Human Rights disgrace of historic proportions.

, who was subjected over an 8 year period (1998-2006) to a real estate scheme by the
Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, under caption Galdjie v Darwish (
which was the prototype of the scheme perpetrated on me. In May 2002 she appeared for trial at the
Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, but was deceived to proceed to the Municipal
Court in Culver City, where a bench trial was conducted on her by an anonymous - listed only as Muni
Judge in the records who ruled to take her 6-unit Santa Monica rental property. [xi], [xii], [xiii]
All court actions in her case, and also in my case, were distinguished by the Superior Court of
California, County of Los Angeles, designating any fees collected in these cases as "Journal Entry". In
other cases of the same court, such fees are designated "Filing Fees", "Motion Fees", "Stipulation
Fees", etc. The Presiding Judge of the Court and the Clerk of the Court refused to answer any
questions regarding the ultimate designation of such fees in these cases, or to certify any of the
judgments and orders in these cases, or the cases themselves as cases of the Superior Court of
California, County of Los Angeles. None of the multiple judges that participated in these cases, was
duly assigned, as required by law, and none of the judicial officers were duly appointed, as required by
law. The court also took the liberty of "waiving" the Due Process right to notice and service of Court
orders in these cases.
Ms BARBARA DARWISHs Human Rights to Own Property and for Fair and Impartial Hearings were

whose prospects for any honest court services in
the future were on the line - in false court actions underway, at the Superior Court of California, County
of Los Angeles, under caption Sturgeon v LA County (BC351286) where you could not even tell who
was the judge, and who was the referee. [xiv] Their Human Rights were denied - for Fair and Impartial
The right to access court records to inspect and to copy was a key to the fraud perpetrated by the
Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, in all the cases listed here. It was claimed already
a year ago in requests to the U.S. Dept of Justice, that restoration of the right to access electronic
court records - to inspect and to copy - could be achieved almost overnight. Moreover, restoring public
access to court electronic court records would disable the LA-JR, instantaneously. It would also allow
speedy release of the Rampart-FIPs. Restoring the right to access electronic court records that were
the NEFs in U.S. courts across the country, would instantaneously stop the deviant common habit of
judges and clerks at the U.S. court - of issuing false and deliberately misleading court papers that
deceptively appeared as orders and judgment.
I request that you investigate, prosecute and take corrective actions, as necessary, regarding the
failure of the U.S. Justice Department in the past decade to protect the Human Rights of the residents
of Los Angeles County. In particular - the disintegration of the justice system in Los Angeles County,
California, as documented in this letter, which was considered a direct extension of the Rampart
scandal (1998-2000).
I request that you investigate the conduct of FBI and USAO during the past decade, which amounted
to cover up of the scandal. I also request that you investigate the conduct of senior officers of the U.S.
Department of Justice, surrounding false and deliberate responses, which they gave to the U.S.
congress last year, after Congressional Inquiries on my behalf in this matter.[xv]
Conditions prevailing in Los Angeles County, California, were likely to be deemed serious failure of the
U.S. Government to perform its duties pursuant to ratified International Law. Our Human Rights were
denied for Liberty, to Own Property, for Public Access to Court Records, for Fair and Impartial
Hearings, for National Tribunals to Protect our Human Rights, and for Equal Protection.[xvi]
Conditions described in this letter were also likely to be deemed serous failure of the U.S. Government
to perform its duties pursuant to International Banking Accords that it claimed to be good-faith party
to.[xvii] Moreover, the conduct of FBI and USAO in this regard amounted to cover-up of criminality by
sub-prime lenders, while claiming that such alleged criminality was under vigorously investigation.
In short I am asking that you investigate the conduct of the U.S. Department of Justice:
1) Relative to allowing the continued operations of the criminal enterprise of the LA-JR (alleged LA
Judiciary Racket) in Los Angeles County, California, and cover-up and deception on American People
and the U.S. Congress in this matter.
The evidence is incontrovertible, and neither the local FBI, nor local USAO, nor the senior officers of
U.S. Department of Justice ever denied my claims of conduct of such enterprise in the Los Angeles
County Courts. The primary evidence of such ongoing enterprise was in the continued false
imprisonment of the Rampart FIPs, and in the denial of access to electronic court records - to inspect
and to copy. Enforcement of the right to access electronic court records to inspect and to copy
would improve the integrity of the justice system in the U.S. overnight.
2) Relative to allowing the continued alleged criminality of Financial Institutions at the Los Angeles
Courts, and cover-up and deception on the American People and U.S. Congress - of the criminality
that underlies the sub-prime crisis.
Such cover-up Included, but was not limited to: (a) the deliberate disregard of evidence for criminality
by Countrywide in conduct of litigations in courts across the U.S., (b) the refusal to investigate my
complaints on the matter, pertaining to conduct of Countrywide, since January 2007, and Bank of
America, since July 2008, at the Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, and (c) denial of
my rights to access the courts in Qui Tam False Claims Act complaints, both at the U.S. District Court,
LA and the U.S. District court Washington DC.[xviii]
The Superior Court of California, County of Los Angeles, itself was alleged to be the reason that Los
Angeles County, California, was distinguished by FBI as "the epicenter of the epidemic of real estate
and mortgage fraud" which came to be known as the "sub-prime crisis". In fact, it was, and is, a crisis
of integrity of Banking Regulation, of Integrity of the Courts, of Integrity of Law-Enforcement, and of
Integrity of Financial Institutions. The facts were all known by FBI for years, but never addressed to
this date.
The neglect to address the issued described in this letter had disastrous results pertaining to the
Human Rights of all residents of Los Angeles County, and pertaining to the welfare of both workers
and investors - at home and abroad. Conditions of the Justice System in Los Angeles County were
extreme, but we hear the plight of the people across the country in court actions during the ongoing
crisis. On this Thanksgiving Day, 2009, I pray that your speedy actions in the matters described
above, would provide immediate relief for those who were directly affected, but also - set a new court
for Justice all over these United States.

The favor of a response is requested within 10 days.

Respectfully submitted;
Dated November 26, 2009
La Verne, County of Los Angeles, California Joseph H Zernik
By: __/s/ Joseph Zernik______
PO Box 526, La Verne, CA 91750
Fax: 801 998 0917
Email <>

Linked Records:
1) The complete manifest letter and its links can be viewed at: