Wednesday, November 11, 2009

09-11-11 FBI-Who is in control on Penn Ave.

Federal Bureau of InvestigationLinks to FBI home page, site map and Frequently asked questionsDirectors, Then and Now

Robert S. Mueller, III

September 4, 2001- Present

Robert Mueller was nominated by President George W. Bush and became the sixth Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation on September 4, 2001.

Born in New York City, Mr. Mueller grew up outside of Philadelphia. He graduated from Princeton University in 1966 and later earned a master's degree in International Relations at New York University.

After college, he joined the United States Marine Corps, where he served as an officer for three years, leading a rifle platoon of the Third Marine Division in Vietnam. He is the recipient of the Bronze Star, two Navy Commendation Medals, the Purple Heart, and the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry.

Following his military service, Mr. Mueller earned a law degree from the University of Virginia Law School in 1973 and served on the Law Review.

After completing his education, Mr. Mueller worked as a litigator in San Francisco until 1976. He then served for 12 years in United States Attorney's Offices, first in the Northern District of California in San Francisco, where he rose to be chief of its criminal division. In 1982, he moved to Boston as an Assistant United States Attorney where he investigated and prosecuted major financial fraud, terrorist, and public corruption cases, as well as narcotics conspiracies and international money launderers.

After serving as a partner at the Boston law firm of Hill and Barlow, Mr. Mueller returned to public service. In 1989 he served in the United States Department of Justice as an assistant to Attorney General Richard L. Thornburgh. The following year he took charge of its Criminal Division. In 1991, he was elected Fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers.

In 1993, Mr. Mueller became a partner at Boston's Hale and Dorr, specializing in complex white collar crime litigation. He again returned to public service in 1995 as senior litigator in the Homicide Section of the District of Columbia United States Attorney's Office. In 1998, Mr. Mueller was named United States Attorney in San Francisco and held that position until 2001.

Mr. Mueller and his wife, Ann, have two daughters.


12th Director of the Federal

Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

Legal and government career

Mueller worked as a litigator in San Francisco until 1976. He then served for 12 years in United States Attorney offices. He first worked in the office of the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of California in San Francisco, where he rose to be chief of the criminal division, and in 1982, he moved to Boston to work in the office of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Massachusetts as Assistant United States Attorney, where he investigated and prosecuted major financial fraud, terrorism and public corruption cases, as well as narcotics conspiracies and international money launderers.

After serving as a partner at the Boston law firm of Hill and Barlow, Mueller was again called to public service. In 1989, he served in the United States Department of Justice as an assistant to Attorney General Dick Thornburgh. The following year he took charge of its criminal division. During his tenure, he oversaw prosecutions that included Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega, the Pan Am Flight 103 (Lockerbie bombing) case, and the Gambino crime family boss John Gotti. In 1991, he was elected a fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers.

In 1993, Mueller became a partner at Boston's Hale and Dorr, specializing in white-collar crime litigation. He returned to public service in 1995 as senior litigator in the homicide section of the District of Columbia United States Attorney's Office. In 1998, Mueller was named U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of California and held that position until 2001.

Mueller was nominated for the position of FBI Director on July 5, 2001.[3] He and two other candidates were up for the job at the time, but he was always considered the front runner.[4] Washington lawyer George J. Terwilliger III and veteran Chicago prosecutor and white-collar defense lawyer Dan Webb were up for the job but both pulled out from consideration around mid-June. Confirmation hearings for Mueller, in front of the Senate Judiciary Committee, were quickly set for July 30, only three days before his prostate cancer surgery.[5][6] The vote on the Senate floor on August 2, 2001 passed unanimously, 98-0.[7] He then served as Acting Deputy Attorney General of the United States Department of Justice for several months, before officially becoming the FBI Director on September 4, 2001, just one week before the September 11 attacks against the United States.

Director Mueller, along with Acting Attorney General James B. Comey, offered to resign from office in March 2004 if the White House overruled a Department of Justicefinding that domestic wiretapping without a court warrant was unconstitutional.[8] Attorney General John D. Ashcroft denied his consent to attempts by White HouseChief of Staff Andrew Card and White House Counsel Alberto R. Gonzales to waive the Justice Department ruling and permit the domestic warrantless eavesdropping program to proceed. On March 12, 2004, President George W. Bush gave his support to changes in the program sufficient to satisfy the concerns of Mueller, Ashcroft and Comey.[8] The extent of the National Security Agency's domestic warrantless eavesdropping under the President's Surveillance Program is still largely unknown.

In August 2009, Mueller sent a letter [9] to the Scottish Justice Minister, Kenny MacAskill, complaining forcefully about the early release on compassionate grounds from life imprisonment of Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi, a Libyan intelligence official who had been convicted of participation in the bombing of Pan American Airways Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in 1988. Mueller's letter provoked a strongly negative reaction in Scotland.[10]

09-11-11 FBI - Who is in control on Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington DC?

The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Federal Bureau of Investigation

U.S. Department of Justice
935 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington, DC 20535-0001

1) FBI Research Department: Official Biography of J Edgar Hoover, from the FBI, Research Department site, was copied in full.
2) Wikipedia Below it are parts of the entry in Wikipedia... You would not know that they were writing on the same person...
3) Time Magazine: Article was copied in full.
The FBI page should be seen as reflecting today's FBI mentality, and a reason for concern regarding the FBI research department's professional merits.
4) Editorial Reviews for the Gentry and Helter book were copied in full.
Federal Bureau of InvestigationLinks to FBI home page, site map and Frequently asked questions
Photograph of J. Edgar Hoover
May 10, 1924 - May 2, 1972

John Edgar Hoover was born in Washington, D.C., on January 1, 1895. Upon completing high school, he began working at the Library of Congress and attending night classes at George Washington University Law School. In 1916, he was awarded his LL.B. and the next year his LL.M.

Mr. Hoover entered on duty with the Department of Justice on July 26, 1917, and rose quickly in government service. He led the Department's General Intelligence Division (GID) and, in November 1918, he was named Assistant to the Attorney General. When the GID was moved in the Bureau of Investigation (BOI) in 1921, he was named as Assistant Director of the BOI. On May 10, 1924, Attorney General Harlan Fiske Stone appointed the twenty-nine year old Hoover as Acting Director of the BOI and by the end of the year Mr. Hoover was named Director.

As Director, Mr. Hoover put into effect a number of institutional changes to correct criticisms made of his predecessor's administration. Director Hoover fired a number of Agents whom he considered to be political appointees and/or unqualified to be Special Agents. He ordered background checks, interviews, and physical testing for New Agent applicants and he revived the earlier Bureau policies of requiring legal or accounting training.

Under Director Hoover, the Bureau grew in responsibility and importance, becoming an integral part of the national government and an icon in American popular culture. In the 1930s, the FBI attacked the violent crime by gangsters and implemented programs to professionalize United States law enforcement through training and forensic assistance. For example, the Bureau opened its Technical Laboratory to provide forensic analysis on Bureau investigations as well as services to other federal, state, and local law enforcement officials.

During the 1940s and 1950s, the Bureau garnered headlines for its staunch efforts against Nazi and Communist espionage. During World War II, the Bureau took the lead in domestic counterintelligence, counterespionage, and countersabotage investigations. President Roosevelt also tasked the Bureau with running a foreign intelligence service in the Western Hemisphere. This operation was called the Special Intelligence Service or SIS. In the early years of the Cold War, the Bureau took on the added responsibility of investigating the backgrounds of government employees to ensure that foreign agents did not infiltrate the government. More traditional criminal investigations including car thefts, bank robberies, and kidnappings also remained important.

In the 1960s and early 1970s, the Bureau took on investigations in the field of civil rights and organized crime. The threat of political violence occupied many of the Bureau's resources as did the threat of foreign espionage. In spite of Mr. Hoover's age and length of service, Presidents of both parties made the decision to keep him at the helm of the Bureau. When Mr. Hoover died in his sleep on May 2, 1972, he had led the FBI for 48 years.


John Edgar Hoover

1st Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation

In office
March 22, 1935 – May 2, 1972

John Edgar Hoover (January 1, 1895 – May 2, 1972) was the first Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) of the United States. Appointed director of the Bureau of Investigation — predecessor to the FBI — in 1924, he was instrumental in founding the FBI in 1935, where he remained director until his death in 1972. Hoover is credited with building the FBI into a large and efficient crime-fighting agency, and with instituting a number of modern innovations to police technology, such as a centralizedfingerprint file and forensic laboratories.

Late in life and after his death, Hoover became an increasingly controversial figure. Some critics asserted that he exceeded the jurisdiction of the FBI.[1] He used the FBI to harass political dissenters and activists, to amass secret files on political leaders,[2] and to use illegal methods to collect evidence.[3] It is because of Hoover's long and controversial reign that FBI directors are now limited to 10-year terms.[4]


FBI career


Hoover was noted as sometimes being capricious in his leadership; he frequently fired FBI agents by singling out those whom he thought "looked stupid like truck drivers" or he considered to be "pinheads".[6] He also relocated agents who had displeased him to career-ending assignments and locations. Melvin Purvis was a prime example; he was one of the most effective agents in capturing and breaking up 1930s gangs and received substantial public recognition, but a jealous Hoover maneuvered him out of the FBI.[7]



Main article: COINTELPRO

In 1956, Hoover was becoming increasingly frustrated by Supreme Court decisions that limited the Justice Department's ability to prosecute people for their political opinions, most notably, Communists. At this time he formalized a covert "dirty tricks" program under the name COINTELPRO.[13]

This program remained in place until it was revealed to the public in 1971, and was the cause of some of the harshest criticism of Hoover and the FBI. COINTELPRO was first used to disrupt the Communist Party, and later organizations such as the Black Panther Party, Martin Luther King, Jr.'s SCLC, the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party and others. Its methods included infiltration, burglaries, illegal wiretaps, planting forged documents and spreading false rumors about key members of target organizations.[14] Some authors have charged that COINTELPRO methods also included inciting violence and arranging murders.[15] In 1975, the activities of COINTELPRO were investigated by the "United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities" called the Church Committee after its chairman, Senator Frank Church (D-Idaho) and these activities were declared illegal and contrary to the Constitution.[16]Hoover amassed significant power by collecting files containing large amounts of compromising and potentially embarrassing information on many powerful people, especially politicians. According to Laurence Silberman, appointedDeputy Attorney General in early 1974, FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley thought such files either did not exist or had been destroyed. AfterThe Washington Post broke a story in January 1975, Kelley searched and found them in his outer office. TheHouse Judiciary Committee then demanded that Silberman testify about them. An extensive investigation of Hoover's files by David Garrow showed that Hoover and next-in-command William Sullivan, as well as the FBI itself as an agency, were responsible.[citation needed]

In 1956, several years before he targeted King, Hoover had a public showdown with T.R.M. Howard, a civil rights leader fromMound Bayou, Mississippi. During a national speaking tour, Howard had criticized the FBI's failure to thoroughly investigate the racially motivated murders of George W. Lee, Lamar Smith, and Emmett Till. Hoover not only wrote an open letter to the press singling out these statements as "irresponsible" but secretly enlisted the help of NAACP attorney Thurgood Marshall in a campaign to discredit Howard.

Response to Mafia and civil rights groups

In the 1950s, evidence of Hoover's unwillingness to focus FBI resources on the Mafia became grist for the media and his many detractors, after famed reporter Jack Anderson exposed the immense scope of the Mafia's organized crime network, a threat Hoover had long downplayed. Hoover's retaliation and continual harassment of Anderson lasted into the 1970s. His moves against people who maintained contacts with subversive elements, some of whom were members of the civil rights movement, also led to accusations of trying to undermine their reputations. The treatment of Martin Luther King, Jr. and actress Jean Seberg are two cited examples.[citation needed]

Hoover personally directed the FBI investigation into the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The House Select Committee on Assassinations issued a report in 1979 critical of the performance by the FBI, the Warren Commission as well as other agencies. The report also criticized what it characterized as the FBI's reluctance to thoroughly investigate the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the president.[17]

[edit]Late career and death

Presidents Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson each considered dismissing Hoover as FBI Director, but all of them ultimately concluded that the political cost of doing so would be too great.[18]

Hoover maintained strong support in Congress until his death in 1972 from the effects of high blood pressure.[19]Operational command of the Bureau passed to Associate Director Clyde Tolson. Soon thereafter, PresidentRichard Nixonappointed L. Patrick Gray, a Justice Department official with no FBI experience, as Acting Director, with W. Mark Feltremaining as Associate Director. Being passed over to head the FBI is said to have contributed to Felt's decision to become the informant later referred to as "Deep Throat".


Hoover was a consultant to Warner Brothers on a 1959 theatrical film about the FBI, The FBI Story, and in 1965 on Warner Brothers' long-running spin-off television series, The F.B.I.. Hoover personally made sure that Warner Brothers would portray the FBI more favorably than other crime dramas of the times.

In 1979, the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) under Senator Richard Schweiker, which had re-opened the investigation into the assassination of President Kennedy, reported that Hoover's FBI "failed to investigate adequately the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President". The HSCA further reported that Hoover's FBI "was deficient in its sharing of information with other agencies and departments".[20]

The FBI Headquarters in Washington, D.C. is named after Hoover. Because of the controversial nature of Hoover's legacy, there have been periodic proposals to rename it. In 2001, Senator Harry Reid sponsored an amendment to strip Hoover's name from the building. "J. Edgar Hoover's name on the FBI building is a stain on the building", Reid said.[21] However, the Senate never adopted the amendment.


Monday, Dec. 15, 1975

FBI: Hoover's Political Spying for Presidents

The vast fortress-like building on Pennsylvania Avenue has been criticized as an architectural disaster and a shocking waste of public funds ($126 million). Now the name, cast in bronze, begins to be something of an embarrassment in a democratic capital: the J. Edgar Hoover Building.

The Senate select committee on intelligence activities last week filled out the dismaying record of Hoover's eagerness to curry favor with Presidents by using agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to gather political information. The committee staffs report shows that Hoover willingly complied with improper requests from Presidents Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon. He gratuitously offered political intelligence to Presidents Dwight Eisenhower and Harry Truman, but both seemed unimpressed.

In all these services, offered or actually performed, there was also the implicit signal that Hoover could find out almost anything and even Presidents should handle him with care. He ran the agency for 48 years and was seven years beyond the mandatory federal retirement age when he died in office on May 2,1972.

Based on seven months of staff investigation, the Senate report offers a bit of bitter justice to Richard Nixon. Among the Watergate revelations that undid him were his Administration's use of the FBI to wiretap Administration officials and newsmen, and his forestalling, for a time, the FBI investigation of the bugging of Democratic National Committee headquarters. The Senate committee reports that precedents for abuse of the agency were firmly established by Hoover under Democrats F.D.R., L.B.J. and J.F.K. Some of the examples of improprieties:

ROOSEVELT. After giving a speech on national defense in 1940, F.D.R. had his press secretary, Stephen Early, send Hoover the names of 128 people who had sent telegrams to the White House criticizing the address. "The President thought you might like to look them over," Early's note gently instructed Hoover. The FBI director had each name checked out in the FBI'S Washington files and the appropriate field office. This "name check" process retrieved any material, no matter how flimsy, that the FBI had on a person. If there was none, a file was opened on each such critic. Roosevelt ordered the FBI to put taps on the home telephones of three or four of his closest advisers, including Harry Hopkins. F.D.R. suspected that Hopkins' wife was passing anti-Administration information to the receptive Washington Times-Herald.

TRUMAN. When Truman's military aide, Brigadier General Harry Vaughan, picked up transcripts of some of the Roosevelt wiretaps from the FBI in 1945 and showed them to Truman, the President snapped: "I don't have time for that foolishness!" But Hoover kept sending unsolicited "personal and confidential" memos to the Truman White House on political matters, such as the claim that a Communist sympathizer was helping a certain Senator write a speech, that a sugar scandal might break and embarrass Democratic officials, that Newsweek was planning a foreign espionage story. There was no evidence that Truman was interested.

EISENHOWER. Responding to an invitation from Ike to brief his Cabinet on racial tensions early in 1956, Hoover rambled on about the lobbying efforts of the N.A.A.C.P. and some Communist groups to influence civil rights legislation, and about the anti-integration activities of Southern politicians.

The only such FBI incident of meddling in political affairs cited in the Eisenhower years, this was no more than an un solicited digression by Hoover.

KENNEDY. The report confirmed that Attorney General Robert Kennedy, to trace Defense Department news leaks, in 1961 and 1962 authorized the wiretapping of several Washington journalists. They included Hanson Baldwin, military analyst for the New York Times, Baldwin's secretary, and Lloyd Norman, Newsweek 's Pentagon correspondent. More vaguely, the report says Robert Kennedy signed orders for taps on six other Americans, including "three Executive branch officials, a congressional staff member and two registered lobbying agents for foreign interests."

The aim was to investigate charges of corruption in the U.S. sugar-import quo tas. Presumably, John Kennedy knew of all these actions.

JOHNSON. Sharply stepping up political intrigue via the FBI, Johnson got Hoover to assign a 31 -member "special squad" to the 1964 Democratic Nation al Convention in Atlantic City, ostensibly to detect any violent agitators. The squad, dispatched without Robert Kennedy's knowledge, supplied "hot line" reports to Johnson's political aides on intraparty battles at the convention.

During the 1964 campaign, Johnson had his aide Bill Moyers ask the FBI for checks on Republican Candidate Barry Goldwater's Senate staff. Hoover's men ran name checks on 15 of them, producing derogatory information on two (a traffic violation on one and a love affair on another). Johnson asked for similar checks on at least seven journalists who had displeased him. They included NBC's David Brinkley, Columnist JOseph Kraft, Associated Press's Peter Arnett, the Chicago Daily News' Peter Lisagor and LIFE'S Richard Stolley (now managing editor of PEOPLE). L.B.J. also sought from the FBI, and duly received, information on critics of the Warren Commission's report on the assassination of Jack Kennedy (though Johnson himself doubted its conclusion, suspecting that Castro had had a hand in the murder). The FBI even forwarded a photo of one critic performing a sexual act.

Beyond trying to please Presidents, Hoover also compiled dossiers on his own real and potential enemies. An FBI file was opened on every Senator and Congressman after his election, noting the legislator's probable attitude toward the FBI. When a subcommittee chaired by Democratic Senator Edward Long of Missouri considered investigating the FBI for electronic eavesdropping in the mid-1960s, agents compiled "special memoranda" on each of the six subcommittee members. Similarly, when a Knoxville, Tenn., civil rights council in 1960 urged an investigation of the FBI and other federal agencies for racial discrimination, the FBI ran name checks on all eleven council members. The FBI reported to Attorney General William Rogers that one member had sent flowers and mash notes to a woman other than his wife.* Hoover's vendetta against Martin Luther King Jr. (TIME, Dec. 1), of course, was the ultimate FBI harassment of a critic.

The committee report did not belabor Nixon's much-publicized relations with the FBI, but an incidental revelation last week in a Washington federal court showed how much some high officials in his Administration feared Hoover. A disaffected former assistant FBI director, William Sullivan, had warned the Administration in 1971 that Hoover might use records of the secret tapping of newsmen and national-security officials to protect himself against being retired by the Nixon Administration. Sullivan then spirited the logs of the wiretaps out of Hoover's suite of offices and gave them to Robert Mardian, an assistant attorney general.

Very Afraid. Responding last week to a civil suit filed by one of the victims of this wiretapping, John Ehrlichman, Nixon's top domestic adviser, explained: "Since journalists had been tapped, it would be politically embarrassing for the Administration potentially, and Hoover was not above blackmailing the President with this information." Mardian, Ehrlichman said, feared Hoover would do anything to get the files back. Ehrlichman testified that Mardian told him he was "very afraid of not only the integrity of these files but also of his own personal safety, that he felt he was being surveilled by Hoover through his agents, and it was only a matter of time before Hoover caused agents of the FBI to break into his files and recover the various records of this activity which Sullivan had turned over to him." On Nixon's instructions, Ehrlichman got the records from Mardian and put them in a White House safe.

Another congressional subcommittee last week tried to trace the disposal of Hoover's collection of personal information on his critics and public figures after his death in 1972. John P. Mohr, the third-ranking FBI official in Hoover's last days, told a House subcommittee chaired by New York Democrat Bella Abzug that there were no "secret files." He said that just after Hoover died, he had been instructed by Attorney General Richard Kleindienst to lock up the director's private office to make sure all important papers were retained for Hoover's successor. The two men agreed that the other eight rooms in Hoover's suite need not be sealed off. After Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray was appointed, he permitted some 30 drawers of the deceased director's personal files to be transferred from the unsealed rooms to Hoover's home.

Hoover's personal secretary (for 54 years) Helen Gandy, 78, testified before the subcommittee that her boss had told her that upon his death all such personal papers should be destroyed. She said she and another secretary then went through every piece of paper at Hoover's house and found nothing involving official bureau business; there were mostly personal letters. She said she had them all burned or shredded.

TIME has learned that FBI sources are certain that Hoover kept many highly sensitive files about newsmen, former White House aides and possibly even about Nixon. The records also included information on the drinking habits and personal lives of several Supreme Court Justices. But technically they were not called "secret files," so Mohr's denial of their existence is not perjurious. They were kept not in Hoover's private office but elsewhere in his suite, these sources believe.

Before Secretary Gandy could look at them in Hoover's house, the most sensitive papers were carried off in an FBI truck to West Virginia's Blue Ridge Club, a Shenandoah Mountain hideaway used by innermost FBI officials for regular poker games with CIA and other cronies (TIME, Nov. 3). There the papers were burned in the club's large fireplace. Precisely who ordered this destruction and carried it out has not been disclosed. The three-story club, valued at up to $200,000, burned to the ground in a fire of undetermined cause on Nov. 23. No evidence of arson has been discovered.

Waves of Shock. TIME has also learned that FBI Director Clarence Kelley has ordered an investigation of his agency's business relations with one of the frequent poker players at the club: Joseph Tait, president of Washington's U.S. Recording Co., which buys bugging and wiretapping equipment and sells it to the FBI. In the spy business (he also sells to the CIA), Tait is known as a "cutout," whose role is to prevent victims of electronic snooping from knowing what type of equipment the agencies are using against them. Kelley is pursuing reports that Tait may have been charging the FBI as much as 30% more than he paid the manufacturers for this equipment.

Such a rare internal investigation is sending waves of shock and rumor through the FBI. Morale was further jolted by the testimony last week of a former FBI informer. Appearing before the Senate committee wearing a cloth mask to preserve a new identity adopted for self-protection, an informer once known as Gary Rowe Jr. testified that he had infiltrated the Ku Klux Klan for the FBI in the early 1960s. He said he was told to do everything possible to sow dissension within the Klan. Rowe said of Klan families: "I was told to sleep with as many wives as I could, to break up marriages." (He slept with some.) He claimed that he warned the FBI that the Klan planned to attack Freedom Riders in Birmingham, Ala., in 1961 and that the FBI did nothing to stop the beatings.

Another disenchanted FBI informer, Mary Jo Cook, told how she had infiltrated the Viet Nam Veterans Against the War in Buffalo in 1973. Paid some $5,000 for her work, she mainly befriended the veterans and kept the FBI posted on their antiwar activities. Though she found the spying "more exciting than working as a teller in a bank," she soured on it when she discovered that the veterans were sincere in their opposition to the war, not under any foreign-propaganda influence and not bent on violence.

Falling Esteem. The continuing revelations are not only eroding J. Edgar Hoover's once impregnable reputation as the world's most efficient and incorruptible cop. They tend to obscure the fact that the FBI organization Hoover developed was a highly disciplined investigative agency, compiling a remarkable record of arrests for such major crimes as bank robbery, kidnaping and espionage. The disclosures, moreover, have sent public esteem for the agency plummeting. While 84% of Americans gave a "highly favorable" rating to the FBI in a Gallup poll in 1965, only 71% did so in 1970, and a mere 37% now feel that way. Nevertheless, the disclosures have served a valuable purpose. They should discourage any future director—or President —from tolerating any use of the bureau as a secret political spying agency.

* Hoover's outrage at sexual transgressions by public figures was not shared by all Presidents. President Kennedy's appointments secretary, Kenneth O'Donnell, is quoted as saying in a new biography of Hoover (The Director by Ovid Demaris) that Hoover repeatedly tried to interest J.F.K. in the fact that a U.S. Ambassador had been caught leaving a woman's bedroom by her angry husband. When Hoover persisted in seeking Kennedy's reaction, O'Donnell passed it along: "The President said that from now on he's going to hire faster Ambassadors."


J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

In a richly textured biography of the former FBI director who died in 1972, Gentry, coauthor of Helter Skelter , takes a decidedly unfriendly look at the man and his career, revealing how Hoover found his niche in life as a "hunter of men," served under 10 presidents over a period of five decades, creating what Eleanor Roosevelt characterized as an American Gestapo. We're shown Hoover scheming to help Thomas Dewey replace Harry Truman in the White House in return for a promise that he would be appointed attorney general; making use of secret information on Senator Joseph McCarthy while at the same time contributing significantly to "McCarthyism"; stalking John F. Kennedy even before he went into politics; covertly helping Richard Nixon become president, then virtually forcing the Nixon administration to embark on the road to Watergate. Hoover believed that America's morality was very much his business and, as Gentry demonstrates, the director equated morality with sexual abstinence. His horrified fascination with homosexuality (mixed with a strong streak of misogyny) are masterfully depicted here, as well as his virulent racism, disclosed in fresh material on Hoover's efforts to destroy Martin Luther King Jr. It is hard to imagine another portrait of Hoover that could surpass this one for detail, depth and sheer vitriol. Gentry makes clearer than previous biographers how J. Edgar Hoover became and, for the greater part of his tenure, remained the most powerful man in Washington. Photos. 75,000 first printing; $100,000 ad/promo; BOMC selection; author tour.
Copyright 1991 Reed Business Information, Inc.
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

From Library Journal

Since his death in 1972, there has been an increasing fascination with Hoover and the immense power he wielded as director of the FBI. Although there have been two recent major biographies--Athan G. Theoharis's The Boss ( LJ 6/1/88) and Richard G. Powers's Secrecy and Power ( LJ 2/1/87)--this massive new study promises to be the most extensive and controversial yet. Gentry, who coauthored Helter Skelter ( LJ 11/15/74), has based his account of Hoover on more than 300 interviews and on access to previously classified FBI documents. Beginning with a behind-the-scenes description of Hoover's death and the search for his "secret files" that is novelistic in technique, Gentry paints a portrait of Hoover as the "indispensable man," with many provocative revelations about his political dealings. This is a chilling look at the darker side of American politics, especially concerning Hoover's enemies list and his relentless investigation of Martin Luther King Jr.'s personal life. The book's lively readability is balanced by lengthy footnotes and by an extensive list of source notes and interviews, and it will be in demand in both academic and public libraries. Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 5/15/91; see also From the Secret Files of J. Edgar Hoover , reviewed in this issue, p. 125.--Ed.
- Thomas A. Karel, Franklin & Marshall Coll. Lib., Lancaster, Pa.
Copyright 1991 Reed Business Information
, Inc.
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.