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Los Angeles County, California:

* "Los Angeles County got the best courts that money could buy". KNBC (October 16, 2008) * "Innocent people remain in prison" LAPD Blue Ribbon Review Panel Report (2006)

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Los Angeles County is "the epicenter of the epidemic of real estate and mortgage fraud." FBI (2004)

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“…judges tried and sentenced a staggering number of people for crimes they did not commit." Prof David Burcham, Loyola Law School, LA (2000)

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“This is conduct associated with the most repressive dictators and police states… and judges must share responsibility when innocent people are convicted.” Prof Erwin Chemerinksy, Irvine Law School (2000)

USA: * "Foreclosure fraud: The homeowner nightmares continue" CNN (April 7, 2011) * About 3 million homes have been repossessed since the housing boom ended in 2006... That number could balloon to about 6 million by 2013... Bloomberg (January 2011) * "...a system in which only the little people have to obey the law, while the rich, and bankers especially, can cheat and defraud without consequences." UProf Paul Krugman, MIT (2011)
Condado de Los Angeles, California:

* "Condado de Los Angeles tiene las mejores canchas que el dinero puede comprar".KNBC (16 de octubre de 2008) * "Las personas inocentes permanecen en prisión" LAPD Blue Ribbon Panel de Revisión Report (2006) * Condado de Los Angeles es "el epicentro de la epidemia de bienes raíces y el fraude de la hipoteca." FBI (2004) * "... Los jueces juzgado y condenado a un asombroso número de personas por crímenes que no cometieron." Prof. David Burcham, Loyola Law School, LA (2000) * "Esta es una conducta asociada con los dictadores más represivos y los estados de la policía ... y los jueces deben compartir la responsabilidad, cuando es condenado a personas inocentes." Prof. Erwin Chemerinksy, Irvine, la Facultad de Derecho (2000)

EE.UU.:

* "Fraude de ejecucion hipotecaria: Las pesadillas propietario continuar"

CNN (7 de Avril 7, 2011)

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"Cerca de 3 milliones de hogares han sido recuperados desde el auge de vivienda termino' en 2006... Ese numero podria dispararse a cerca de 6 milliones en 2013...

Bloomberg (Enero, 2011)

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"... un sistema en el que so'lo las personas poco tienen que obedecer la ley, mientras que los ricos y los banqueros en particular, puede engnar y estfar sin consecuencias..."

Prof Paul Krugman, MIT (2011)
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Our right to access public records, our Liberty and our fundamental Human Rights are all connected at the hips!
Nuestro derecho al acceso los expedientes publicos, nuestra libertad y nuestros derechos humanos fundamentales están todos conectados en las caderas!
我们有权获得公共记录,我们的自由和基本人权都连接在臀部!
Hips by Beyonce'

Corruption of California courts noted by the United Nations

La Corrupción de los Tribunales de California Señaló que Naciones Unidas // 加州法院的腐败注意到联合国


In summer 2010, the staff report of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, as part of the first ever, 2010 UPR (Universal Periodic Review) of Human Rights in the United States, noticed and referenced the Human Rights Alert April 2010 submission, pertaining to "corruption of the courts, the legal profession, and discrimination by law enforcement in California".

10-10-01 United Nations Human Rights Council Records for 2010 Review (UPR) of Human Rights in the United States
http://www.scribd.com/doc/38566837/

Take away justice, then, and what are governments but great bandit bands?

Saint Augustine, Civitas Dei (City of God,4.4)

Tuesday, November 3, 2009

09-11-03 Brennan: A Legacy of Liberty

Brennan: A Legacy of Liberty

By Nat Hentoff

Washington Post Columnist

Tuesday, July 29, 1997; Page A15

We had been talking about the increasing number of dissents he was writing on the Rehnquist court, and I asked Justice Brennan whether he was getting discouraged. I should have known better. He smiled and said the court had these cycles, but it would come around again. He paused and added, "Look, pal, we've always known -- the Framers knew -- that liberty is a fragile thing. You can't give up."

Then William Brennan quoted from a scene in Yeats's play "Cathleen ni Houlihan": " 'Did you see an old woman going down the path?' asks Bridget. 'I did not,' replies Patrick, who came into the house just after the old woman left it.

'But I saw a young girl and she had the walk of a queen.' "

Justice Brennan looked fondly into the distance. "That passage has always meant a great deal to me."

His conviction remained that the living, evolving Constitution -- not frozen in time more than 200 years ago -- will surely rejuvenate liberty in the decades ahead. After all, despite the best years of the Warren court -- when Brennan was its defining force -- so much had been left undone even then. Let alone since.

Eleven years ago, he said in a speech, "We do not yet have justice, equal and practical, for the poor, for the members of minority groups, for the criminally accused, for the displaced persons of the technological revolution, for alienated youth, for the urban masses. . . . Ugly inequities continue to mar the face of our nation. We are surely nearer the beginning than the end of the struggle."

For all his passionate concern about injustice across the board, Justice Brennan was not a flinty moralist in person. Talking to him, as I frequently did during his last years on the court, I felt entirely at ease in the presence of one of the most powerful figures in the nation. He had no side, as the British say. Genuinely curious about the interests of people he talked to, he was the most naturally friendly person I have ever known.

Brennan was also interested in what happened to some of the litigants in cases he had judged. For instance, Harry Keyishian, an instructor who had been fired because he would not sign a New York state loyalty oath.

Brennan, in that 1967 case, Keyishian v. Board of Regents of New York, had ruled that the loyalty oath and other anti-subversive New York state statutes violated First Amendment protections of academic freedom. Twenty years later, Keyishian was on a televised Bill Moyers series, "In Search of the Constitution." I saw Brennan at the court soon after the program aired, and he was excited at having seen the actual person behind the name on his decision.

"It was fascinating," Brennan told me. "It was the first time I had seen him. Of course, it's rare that I ever see the people in the cases we deal with. Hearing him on the television program, I had no idea that he and the other teachers would have lost everything they had ever done if the case had gone the other way."

To Brennan the law was more than briefs and oral arguments. He may have seen hardly any of the litigants before him, but he searched for a sense of them in the

cases that reached him. Whenever he was asked for his definition of the Constitution, his answer was: "The protection of the dignity of the human being and the recognition that every individual has fundamental rights which government cannot deny him."

That's why Brennan had so deep and abiding a revulsion against capital punishment. Execution by the state, he said, "treats members of the human race as non-humans. Even the vilest criminal remains a human being possessed of

common human dignity."

By contrast, no one on the present court has refused, as Brennan did, to be an accomplice in what Harry Blackmun called "the machinery of death." And it is difficult to imagine that anyone now nominated to the court by a president of

either party could get Senate approval if he or she were against the death penalty.

When Justice Brennan retired seven years ago, he said it was "the saddest day of his life." It was sad for the nation as well, even though relatively few Americans knew anything more about him than his name -- if that.

Brennan, having a quick sense of humor, appreciated irony. He might have savored the president's tribute to him when he died: "Justice Brennan's devotion to the Bill of Rights inspired countless young law students, including myself."

Like Bill Clinton's evisceration of habeas corpus? His persistent devotion to the death penalty? His ardent advocacy of greatly expanded FBI wire taping powers?

Justice Brennan's legacy included none of these, but the president does confirm Brennan's conviction that liberty is indeed a fragile thing.

© Copyright 1997 The Washington Post Company

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